SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES CONTINENTAL AFRICAN POLITICS GROUP MEMBERS ANNE WANJIRU MWANGI-100065 IAN RAY OCHIENG-101720 LISA MONA-101666 AWILLY JAMES-100769 NELLY MENETO-100275 IVY MILAFU-102449 ANGELA MUTUA-100639 ABNER WACHIRA-100659 BERYL KANZE-100326 SOCRATES GERALD OWUOR-101957 LILIAN MAITHO-100783 RACHEL SAIKWA-101239 GENE-EBEN NABUKWESI-102411 NATIONALISM IN CANADA Canada entered the First World in support of the British Empire and ended it in many ways a divided country due to the conscription crisis

SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES
CONTINENTAL AFRICAN POLITICS
GROUP MEMBERS
ANNE WANJIRU MWANGI-100065
IAN RAY OCHIENG-101720
LISA MONA-101666
AWILLY JAMES-100769
NELLY MENETO-100275
IVY MILAFU-102449
ANGELA MUTUA-100639
ABNER WACHIRA-100659
BERYL KANZE-100326
SOCRATES GERALD OWUOR-101957
LILIAN MAITHO-100783
RACHEL SAIKWA-101239
GENE-EBEN NABUKWESI-102411

NATIONALISM IN CANADA
Canada entered the First World in support of the British Empire and ended it in many ways a divided country due to the conscription crisis, but, it also had found a new sense of nationalism or a Canadian identity which was forged in the fires of battle and hardened in the politics of the peace. Much of the consciousness of being Canadian was in relation to other countries which Canada had fought with and against during the war.
The Canadian forces that went overseas were originally going to feed into the British units as replacements and units within larger British formations. The Canadian authorities stood up against this and Canadian divisions were trained on Salisbury plain and then dispatched to France. Sam Hughes refused to let the Canadian units be split up and the British leadership slowly acceded to this desire. The ultimate achievement during the war of Canadian fighting ability came in April 1917 during the Battle of Vimy Ridge when several Canadian Divisions and units, fighting together swept up and over the ridge, capturing the German positions which the French and the British had failed to do. The news of this great Canadian victory delighted Great Britain and France but thrilled Canadians. (For What Reasons did Canada get involved in WW1? How is the War measures act related to the First World War 2011)
A spirit was ignited which held within it the belief that the young viral country had come of age and where the other countries could not quite get the job done, Canada could. Although Vimy Ridge, a battle between Canadian soldiers and German troops which was part of a collectively named battle, The battle of Arras, was only one of many in the war, and only one of many Canadian engagements, it came to stand for a newfound Canadian nationalism which showed that the former colony had come to the rescue of the old world and would no longer be satisfied with colonial status on any front (Cook n.d.).
Canada was given a seat during the Versailles Peace Conference and within a dozen years, the Act of Westminster was passed which handed over the control of Canadian policy to Canada.
Comparison between Nationalism in Canada and Nationalism in Tanzania
The main aim of both the countries was to bring its people together and peace, unity and love.
In Canada the Nationalism started when the Canadian soldiers realized they had started to divide while in The First world war and they needed to come together while in Tanzania Nationalism also was to bring its people together in a bid to prevent Ethnic division by uniting all Tanzanian citizens under the ‘National Umbrella’.
Both Canadian Nationalism and Tanzanian Nationalism started through opposition of the British Rule who colonized them. The British oppressed Canadian soldiers in The First world war by making them fight for them without any benefits or reparations while in Tanzania, the citizens were against British colonization which aimed to control their economy and health facilities this they made it a success through forming political movements under key influential leaders such as Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere.
Both the Nationalism in Canada and Tanzania had founders who ignited and made the citizens to work for the same goal. In Canada the battle of Vimy Ridge was the defining moment of as a nation was and led it’s troops to unite and it instilled a sense of national responsibility as well as identity. General A. E Ross stated that “In those few minutes, I witnessed the birth of a nation.” (Cook n.d.) In Tanzania we see Julius Nyerere who was the president was the national leader who pushed for independence as well as tried to encourage Ujamaa among the people of Tanzania and encouraging them to love each other.
Emergence of political parties in Both Tanzania and Canada started. In Canada we see the formation of Canada Nationalist Party which as a movement was to enable them gain independence from the British Colonial masters. Tanzania on the other hand witnessed emergence of political parties such as Tanganyika African National Union which was to encourage the people to oppose colonization.
Both Nationalism in Canada and nationalism in Tanzania fought for collective interest but not the interest of individuals but all citizens. This is the true sense of nationalism as all self-interest is cast aside and all effort is made toward the greater good of all.

Differences between Ujamaa and Canadian Nationalism
In Canada, Nationalism ended immediately after independence as conflicting interests begun to emerge leading up to the division of Anglo-phone Canada and Francophone Canada while in Tanzania we saw Ujamaa thrive especially post-independence and there still exists trace elements of Ujamaa in the national policies enforced with Tanzanian government
Nationalism in Tanzania encouraged citizens to live in communities and practice collective farming to facilitate income generation through exportation while in Canada Nationalism did not dictate the lifestyle of its people will live, it only encouraged unity among its Citizens.
Nationalism in Canada begun during the first world war and its main aim was to reject oppression from the British whereas, in Tanzania Nationalism did not start in the first world war and none of their soldiers fought during the First World War.

Zambia v Italy

Both Zambian and Italian nationalism was confined to small groups of intellectuals and political radicals.

In Italy there was the young Italy group which was founded by Giuseppe Miazzini whose goal was to bring about unification in Italy. There was also the Risorgimento movement for Italian unification which was formed by Camillo Cavour. Finally, Italian unification was achieved in 1870 with the leadership of Camillo Cavour and Giuseppe Garibaldi.

In Zambia welfare societies started when Donald Siwale and David Kaunda formed the Mwendo Welfare Association to bring African views to the attention of the government. The goal of the movements was to gain equal rights of Africans as those of the foreigners.

However, as most African countries, in the case of Zambia, they investigated national unity, they already had a state, but they were pushing for Africa for the Africans. The state had been imposed on Africa as there were arbitrary boundaries during colonization, compared to Italy they already had a nation, but the people wanted a state.

We also see that in most African countries tribes were the antithesis of a nation. Therefore, most leaders sought to uniting the nation, they would often ban ethnic associations, like in Zambia in 1973 following tribal and inter-party violence, all political parties except UNIP were banned through an amendment of the constitution after the signing of the Choma Declaration. Compared to Italy, they did not seek to unify the people but rather the unification of a state. The process began in 1815 with the Congress of Vienna and was completed in 1871 when Rome became the capital of the Kingdom of Italy.

Nationalism in Africa was a mobilizing force that saw Africans liberating themselves from colonization. Like how Kaunda of Zambia was pushing for decolonization by the British. While in Italy what they called the Risorgimento (meaning “the Resurgence” or “revival”), was the political and social movement that consolidated different states of the Italian peninsula into the single state of the Kingdom of Italy in the 19th century.
Looking at both Zambia and Italy they sought for economic growth. However, the economy of Zambia was heavily reliant on mining, with copper alone accounting for 90% of foreign exchange earnings (Lambert Undated, Holmes 2004, US State Department 2005). Even though they build the Kariba dam for hydroelectric generation of power, it tended to favor southern Rhodesia (south of Zambia). While in Italy what affected their economic growth was World War Two.
We see that the fact that Italy was seeking a state first, yet they had a nation, while Africa was seeking a nation because they already had imposed states led to differences between the nationalisms.

Nationalism in Australia and Angola
Australian nationalism is a form of nationalism, that asserts Australians are a nation and promotes the cultural and national unity of Australia. Australian nationalism has a history dating back to the late 19th century as Australia gradually develop a distinct culture from that of Britain, beginning to view itself as a unique entity and not simply an extension of British culture. Angolan Nationalism rooted from Bakongo migrant workers where the union of the people of Angola which merged with the Angolan Democratic party to form the National Front for the Liberation of Angola.
What led to the rise of the both Nationalisms?
Australia First party was established in 1996 among others which were later formed such as the White nationalistic youth league; its youth wing, Australia protectionist party, Australia Nationalist party. Australia first has several core policies which were:
. ensuring Australia retains full independence
. Rebuild Australian manufacturing industries
. Control foreign worship
. Reduce and limit migration
. Abolish multi-culturalism
. Introduce Citizen’s initiated referendums
. Strengthen the family
. Strive to rebuild a united Australia

The Australia First Party’s activities have mainly consisted of distributing pamphlets and protesting. The Australia first Party have repeatedly distributed racist pamphlets and stickers, on some occasions they have attempted to deny having done so in the aftermath.38 The Australia First Party have also held numerous rallies, most of which have been labelled racist by the media and opponents, some of these rallies have ended in violent altercations.

Nationalism in Australia is believed to have emerged within the society of emancipists during the early 19th century. It has evolved, and continues to evolve, over time as events shape Australia’s national identity. This chapter addresses the origins of nationalism in Australia from the colonial era through to Federation.
Nationalism is defined as a sense of loyalty to one’s nation. The concept of nationalism in Australia is quite complex and ever-changing. To some of the people, nationalism is associated with a loyalty to Britain or to both Australia and Britain. There are others, however, who are what historians refer to as radical nationalists. Radical nationalists believe that Australia should become completely independent from Britain. Some of them even believe that Aboriginal people and Asian migrants do not fit their perception of a ‘typical Australian’.
Angola on the other hand; a Portuguese colony began its nationalism approach when Portugal made the decision to attempt to tighten their control over their overseas colonies. This led to an upsurge of nationalism in Angola. The heavy extractions of the colonial power founded on land alienation and forced labor made the situation more intolerable to Angolans. The new nationalist organizations were regionally based and rooted in ethnicity. The Liberation movement of the people of Angola was established in 1956. it found wide support amongst urban intellectuals and the Mbundu of the Luanda hinterland. The armed conflict was sparked by an uprising of plantation workers against forced labor in the north-west in 1961, which was suppressed by the colonial government. The uprising led directly to the formation of the National Front for the Liberation of Angola. Closely connected with the president of Zaïre, Mobuto Sese Seko, the National Front for the Liberation of Angola began its armed incursions from bases in that country. In the wake of the uprising, and in response to an attack on a prison to free political prisoners, the Portuguese government clamped down on the Liberation Movement for the people of Angola. In return the Liberation Movement for the people of Angola began infiltrating guerrillas from the Congo into Cabinda and from Zambia into the east. Alarmed by the uprising and subsequent developments the Portuguese government abolished forced labor in 1961 and began making belated reforms in education and healthcare.

Ghana
Nationalism in Ghana came to light after the return of Kwame Nkrumah to the Gold Coast after 12 years in USA and UK. In 1946 Nkrumah was appointed the General Secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention {UGCC}.
In 1948 there was a split in UGCC that led to the arrest of Nkrumah, due to inciting veterans, workers and farmers in the colony. His arrest made him very popular.
Nkrumah formed his own party CPP committed to immediate self-government.
In 1950 Nkrumah organized a campaign of non-violent protests and strikes, they were prepared to launch a mass strike for abolition of British colonial rule over the Gold Coast. This led to another imprisonment of Nkrumah.
The executive members of CPP continued to press for the total independence of the colony eventually creating conditions for a popular election which CPP won. In 1951 Nkrumah was released from prison. After his released he was appointed the leader of government business in a transition arrangement that eventually led to independence in March 1957.
The Philippines
The Philippines was colonized by the Spanish for more than 300yrs before the American took over.
Opposition was started by the Filipinos priests Who resented Spanish domination in the Roman catholic churches. In late 19 century Filipinos elites and the working class began calling for independence.
In 1896 there were rebellions causing exile of rebels like Aguinaldo in Hong Kong. In 1898 during the Spanish-American war over Spain’s brutal suppression of rebels in Cuba broke out, Aguinaldo made agreements with US to return to US and assist the US in the war against Spain. In June 1898 the Philippines gained independence.
After the American won the war against the Spanish they continued to have control over the country until 1946, When the US granted the republic of Philippines independence. Manuel Quezon was elected as the country’s first president.
The main differences between the nationalism in Ghana and The Philippines.

• Filipinos were more involved in the colonial government both during the Spanish colonial period and the USA while there was no or little participation of Ghanaian people in the British colonial government.
• There was oppression of the Ghanaian rebels by the British e.g. Nkrumah was imprisoned compared to rebels like Emilio Aguinaldo who was given a negotiation deal by the Spanish and he opt for exile in Hong Kong.
• In Ghana there was a lot of mass strike among the middle class therefore the was combined forces with the rebel groups while the rebellions in Philippines were only among the elites.

UJAMAA AAND USSR
UJAMAA IN TANZANIA
After leading the country to peaceful independence from Britain in 1961, Julius Nyerere soberly described the moment as an “opportunity that has now to be used” to build a “healthy, educated, and prosperous people.” He sought a society free from exploitation and energized by a strong sense of solidarity and mutual help. This project’s guiding principle was ujamaa.
— Swahili for the bond between family members. Initially, these ideas were fuzzy enough to accommodate a broad politics with few traces of socialism as it is conventionally understood. In the early1960s, to Nyerere ujamaa socialism was an “attitude of mind,” not yet a political program. In one respect, however, Tanzanian political practice did take a page out of the book of most governments who governed in the name of socialism: Nyerere’s ruling party rapidly established a monopoly in the political realm and fortified this position by subsuming most associational life under the single-party state. Women, youth, farmers, workers, and the press were all brought into the fold. If diverse rationales underlay these various moves, safeguarding the ruling party’s project of building a society in ujamaa’s image animated and legitimized them all.
By the late 1960s, ujamaa socialism was undergoing a metamorphosis. The famous 1967 Arusha Declaration
marked the transition from a “state of mind” to a political action program. In keeping with the declaration’s anti-privilege ethos, politicians and civil servants accepted dramatic cuts to their salaries and perks, and a set of “leadership conditions “barred them from engaging in economic ventures of any kind. Most key sectors of the economy; industrial interests, banks, trading operations and rental-housing stock were nationalized. And an ambitious plan envisioned that resettling rural Tanzanians in ujamaa villages would bring services and prosperity to the rural areas.
A 1971 Tanzanian newspaper story conjured the iconic image of ujamaa socialism. Away from the bustle of the big city, “President Nyerere joined peasants of the newly established Chamwino Ujamaa village in Dodoma District in making bricks for their buildings.” A few days later, the same newspaper observed the district’s people emerging from their clusters isolated by miles of arid and hostile thorny bush land as they realized the wisdom of President Nyerere that only in living together and working together for the benefit of allies the salvation of this country. Nyerere, parting the thorny bush for his people, was leading them to ujamaa’s shining village on a hill.
That Chamwino was a showcase project should not detract from what was being showcased. With his presidential spotlight, Nyerere directed the country’s attention toward those isolated places so often forgotten by ruling elites. Given the overwhelmingly rural and agrarian makeup of the country and its economy, this shift was itself hugely consequential. The image’s more minor details also carried significance. By contrast, Nyerere’s physical labor, “building the nation shoulder-to-shoulder,” as Tanzanians liked to put it, with the common people was more than a publicity stunt mixed with a spatter of political patronage. It was a distillation of ujamaa, exemplifying egalitarian solidarity, reliance on Tanzania’s own resources, and hard work for the common good.
But this official image hid a much less sunny side of Tanzanian socialism. Nyerere thought ujamaa villages would be a real draw for the country’s dispersed population. Once rural Tanzanians saw that coming together in such villages would allow the government to provide services and facilitate communal and cooperative cultivation, the thinking went, they would move voluntarily. The exceptional amenities at Chamwino may have enticed its new residents, but elsewhere in the country promises of support and exhortations to follow unproven economic strategies that indeed often turned out to be impractical or were fatally undercut by administrative blunders didn’t convince people to pull up roots and move.
Thus, Tanzania’s political leadership which believed it had discovered the winning formula in the country’s war against poverty, ignorance, and disease confronted the paradoxical problem of resistance from its plans’ ostensible beneficiaries. In response, Nyerere’s government began applying pressure on rural populations for instance, by withholding famine relief during a drought to anyone residing outside officially recognized ujamaa
Village sites to get them to move. Pressured to show progress, local authorities resorted to yet more coercive methods in some cases even moving people at gun point and destroying their homes to ensure they couldn’t return.
By 1976, the “villagization” program had managed to concentrate most of the country’s rural population in roughly eight thousand villages, but a far smaller number of sites had safe and enough water supplies. Nyerere met his goal of constructing more
schools often through “self-help” initiatives but the education system’s rapid expansion duringthelate1970sseverelycompromisedteachingquality.Bythe1980s, the government’s inability to pay its bills reversed the trend of broadened access. Agricultural production figures were poor for most of the socialist period. While such figures are notoriously unreliable and affected by factors other than government policy, villagization and state control of agricultural markets and prices had much to do with the middling performance.
Food imports and aid shipments jumped in the 1970s.The agricultural extension service was hopelessly overstretched. There were many stories of fertile land lost to forced moves into overcrowded and poorly situated new settlements.And in many ujamaa villages, demoralized farmers refused to work either privately or collectively
REFERENCES
Cook, Tim. n.d. The Battle of Vimy Ridge. https://www.warmuseum.ca.
2011. For What Reasons did Canada get involved in WW1? How is the War measures act related to the First World War. March 15. https://www.enotes.com/homework-help/what-main-reasons-canada-went-world-war-1-who-was-249555.

Schneider, L. (2015). Vision of Tanzanian Socialism. Retrieved from, https://www.jacobinmag.com. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/russia-fsu/1990-12-01/communism-russian-history https://www.britannica.com/topic/Communist-Party-of-the-Soviet-Union
Collier, Martin (2003). Italian unification, 1820–71. Heinemann Advanced History (First ed.). Oxford: Heinemann. p. 2. ISBN 0-435-32754-2. The Risorgimento is the name given to the process that ended with the political unification of Italy in 1871

Riall, Lucy (1994). The Italian Risorgimento: state, society, and national unification (First ed.). London: Routledge. p. 1. ISBN 0-203-41234-6. The functional importance of the Risorgimento to both Italian politics and Italian historiography has made this short period (1815–60) one of the most contested and controversial in modern Italian history

https://www.britannica.com/place/Zambia/Education

LAMBERT, T UNDATED “A short history of Zambia”, IN local histories, www http://www.localhistories.org/Zambia.html